Delhi declaration marks India’s return to Afghanistan

By Shrey Khanna

On November 10, India  hosted the third Regional  Security Dialogue on Afghanistan in New Delhi. Unlike  the past two iterations sponsored by Iran, the Delhi Meet was conspicuous by the absence of Afghan officials from the dialogue. The new Afghan regime dominated by the Haqqani Network was  not invited to the meeting, whereas its prime backer, Pakistan, was  invited but refused to attend, calling India a “spoiler” to the peace  in Afghanistan. Beijing, a close ally of Islamabad, also opted out  of the meeting, citing “scheduling difficulties”.

Yet, the meeting in New Delhi  led by NSA Ajit Doval remains  vital to the geopolitical developments in the region. The meeting was attended by top security  officials of Russia, Iran and the  five Central Asian states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

What came out of the Delhi  Declaration?

The deterioration of regional security due to the emerging threats  of terrorism, radicalisation and  drug trafficking emanating from  political stability in Afghanistan remained the focus of the meeting. In the Delhi Declaration, the  common concerns of the participants came out prominently with  their reiteration of “strong support” for stability in Afghanistan  and a call for “non-interference  in its internal affairs”. They also  emphasised that Afghanistan’s territory should not be used for  “sheltering, training, planning  or financing any terrorist acts” against the neighbours and reaffirmed their “firm commitment  to combat terrorism in all its form and manifestations”.

While Pakistan was not named,  the Iranian concerns with the  ISI domination in Afghanistan  came into the forefront with the  participants’ stress upon forming an “open and truly inclusive  government” that includes all  the “major ethno-political forces  in the country”. It is important to  note that ever since the Taliban  victory in August 2015, Iran has  consistently raised the issue of  the exclusion of Persian/Dari  speaking minority groups from  the government. Mainly, the role  of the ISI in imposing a Haqqani  Network dominated government in Afghanistan had elicited strong reactions in Tehran.  Though the Taliban had subsequently included some members  from northern Afghanistan, it is  clear that Iran would continue to  focus on securing its allies’ interests in Afghanistan.

The importance given to “providing humanitarian assistance  to the people of Afghanistan” in  the Delhi Declaration also highlighted India’s concerns. From  the Indian point of view, the  participant countries’ support  for humanitarian assistance to  be provided in an “unimpeded,  direct and assured manner to  Afghanistan” was a gesture of  support for New Delhi’s efforts  to send aid to Afghanistan. It also  underlines the regional opposition to Islamabad’s obstructive  tactics in refusing to allow transit permission to the trucks waiting on the Indian side of the border. Similarly, the Declaration’s  mention of the “central role” of  the UN in Afghanistan was tacit  approval of the UNSC resolution  2593, which prohibits safe havens  to terror outfits like Jaish-e-Mohammed and Lashkar-e-Taiba,  passed during India’s presidency  of the Security Council in August  this year.

Has India got its focus back on Afghanistan?

Ever since the Taliban victory,  New Delhi has struggled to remain relevant to the developments in Kabul. On the other  hand, having secured its strategic depth on its western border,  Pakistan’s determination to not  let India play any major role in  Afghanistan is a geographic reality that remains difficult to  overcome.

In this regard, making a common cause with other regional  powers is the only feasible solution for New Delhi. By hosting  a regional security meeting on  Afghanistan, India has belatedly underscored its security concerns with the regional developments. While the prospects of the  Taliban-Pakistan fallout remain  high until the ISI’s domination  generates domestic backlash in  Afghanistan, a concerted effort  with like-minded regional powers is the only option for regional stability.

(Shrey Khanna is with the Takshashila Institution)

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